Monthly Archives: April, 2015

Protecting Social Campaigns from Digital Risks

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▇▇▇▇ [1113], picture of Brian J. Matis, January 2012 (Flickr)

(Read in French) As outlined in both our Campaign Playbook and Full Report, the Direct Diplomacy team advocates a series of important recommendations for campaign organizers for safe participation in the digitally enabled era of direct action.

As the impact and influence of online citizen movements have increased, so too have efforts to weaken and undermine them by repressive governments. These governments have long used physical intimidation tactics to disrupt political organization. Now that organization is moving online, they are increasingly turning to digital tactics.

This is why it is essential that movements are aware of the digital environments in which they operate. While the Internet is truly a global phenomenon, it has become increasingly divided along national jurisdictions. Content regulations, domain blocking technology, and comprehensive surveillance systems are all part of state government’s growing digital presence, and form the relative digital environment that campaign organizers operate in. For example, countries that have pervasive government surveillance systems, robust content blocking technology, and repressive freedom of expression laws would be considered to have a risky digital environment. Campaign organizers need to educate themselves and their participants of how they are vulnerable to digital risks. More than that, organizers need to learn about and equip themselves with the proper tools to protect themselves in risky digital environments.

Rapidly advancing and ever prevalent, we categorize these digital risks under three broad classifications: surveillance and censorship, phishing attacks, and Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) attacks.

Content censorship and Internet surveillance has now become commonplace in both authoritarian and democratic societies. The degree to how much content is filtered and blocked in a country will vary, but projects like the OpenNet Initiative do extensive testing to map out blocking activity worldwide. Organizers will have to be aware of the local laws that dictate what content is illegal, to ensure that potential participants can access important information, campaign material or digital tools. Fortunately, for organizers or citizens in such countries, censorship circumvention tools like Psiphon allow users to access the open Internet.

Surveillance systems offer potentially more pervasive and insiduous risks to campaigns. Armed with these systems, governments are complicit in infiltrating mobile devices and computers, recording the activity of campaign participants, with damaging repercussions. The Occupy Central campaign in Hong Kong (see Samuel Wollenberg’s post on OCLP and distributed leadership) showed just that, as Chinese state authorities were suspected of multiple accounts of monitoring and registering activists. Some participants were even refused entry into Mainland China after being connected with the protests. For such campaigns, digital anonymizers like Tor can help ensure participants and organizers isolate themselves from retroactive punishment via state surveillance systems.

The Occupy Central campaign also witnessed instances of malicious pshishing activity, where campaign participants were sent suspicious messages with links to malware and other nefarious software. These threats are easily avoidable with simply refusing end-user acceptance (i.e. just don’t open strange links), but educating participants on how to identify phishing messages is encouraged.

DDoS attacks, while less prevalent than the other risks we have categorized, are difficult to defend against. The attacks are attempts to make a machine, website, or network resource temporarily or indefinitely unavailable to intended users. With multiple methods of attack, DDoS require significant technical resources to properly mitigate threats. However, as the attacks require sophisticated coordination and resources to execute, campaigns should focus most of their defensive efforts to mitigate against the more prevalent digital risks.

Fortunately, many citizen campaigns are already educating and protecting themselves. The Internet Ungovernance Forum (IUF) was a 2014 campaign part of the wider Internet freedom movement in Turkey. Operating in the riskier Turkish digital environment, the campaign organized sessions identifying digital risks facing citizen journalists and activists, and even held workshops on how participants can utilize protective tools like Psiphon or Tor.

The IUF has set an important and positive example for citizen campaigns operating in the digital era. As campaigns begin utilizing digital tools for organizational capacity and direct action, they must be mindful of the digital environments where they operate. And as repressive technology continues to advance, so too does the positive technology empowering citizens worldwide.

See also this The Economist’s multimedia content on how prostestors evade digital censorship :

Distributed Leadership as an Effective Organizational Structure: The case of Occupy Central

(Read in French) An important aspect that our qualitative research report generated was the need for longevity in campaigns whose ultimate goals will not be met in a matter of weeks or months, but rather years and may include a multitude of international actors. The campaigns that claimed some of the most amount of this long-term success were Movimiemento 15 and Occupy Central with Love and Peace (OCLP), later to become more publicized as the Umbrella movement. Both of these cases utilized decentralized or, more aptly, distributed leadership whose entire design encourages participation and is intended to view all participants as equal contributors. The decreased the costs of action and inspired longer term commitments.

OCLP

Picture of ansel.ma, october 2014 (Flickr). Yellow umbrellas were symbols
of the Umbrella movement in Hong Kong.

In the case of OCLP, campaign founder Benny Tai Yiu-ting, a law professor at the University of Hong Kong, wanted this concept of participatory leadership to reflect the universal suffrage that they were demanding from the Hong Kong and subsequently Chinese governments to provide them with. Tai’s first step to achieve this was to actively try and find someone to take a central leadership other than himself because he felt that the campaign wouldn’t be as effective under a solitary figurehead. When no one would lead the charge, Tai and two others decided to fill the void and eventually met over an estimated 1,000 meetings with interested parties and stakeholders in the wider pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong. These meetings would discuss exactly what type of electoral reform to propose, such as full public nomination of all of the chief executives in Hong Kong, and essentially were able to crowd-source from leaders and engrain their involvements into the organization and goals of the entire campaign. OCLP then went on to hold a public referendum that drew almost 800,000 votes and identified the precise electoral process they want the government to enact. The online portion of this referendum was also subject to a sophisticated cyber attack with Chinese characteristics, which fellow researcher Nick Dagostino will touch on in an upcoming blog post on cybersecurity risks.

Throughout this year and a half process from spring of 2013 to the later summer of 2014, Tai and the other leaders were also acutely aware of the potential negative aspects of distributed leadership and were able to successfully mitigate against them. Due to the fact that OCLP had the stated intentions of civil disobedience at some point in their campaign timeline, Tai was very deliberate about explaining exactly what this means, the legal ramifications for protestors and utmost significance of peaceful protests. This was in part done through the publication of the Manual of Disobedience, which highlights the philosophies, legalities and protocols of civil disobedience. This resulted in a large percentage of peaceful campaign participants throughout the roughly 3-month occupation with only mild flashpoints of violence with typically nefarious actors intentionally starting skirmishes. This allowed the campaign leadership to have greater freedom in the actions and demands the Umbrella Movement could make because broad public support was there while the campaign remained peaceful.

Another benefit of this distributed organizational structure was that the OCLP campaign could remain flexible when shifts in spotlights occur, as they most definitely did in Hong Kong when two student groups in particular who had been involved in the wider discussion on democratic reform, soon became the face of the Umbrella Revolution. As the occupation began in late September 2014, Tai he said that he was not upset or felt that his movement had been co-opted because “it was clear that the [pro-democracy] foundation was strong” and that the “spirit” of the Umbrella Movement was very much a reflection of OCLP. Additionally, the student organizations were a driving force in the sheer number of occupiers throughout the Movement and in some ways integral to the ultimate success of the campaign. Both organizations were able to succeed in mobilizing and sustaining supporters due to the beneficial nature of distributed leadership.

This strong and encompassing foundation was only achieved through practicing distributed leadership structure intentionally from the very outset of the Occupy Central with Love and Peace campaign. Other campaigns in our study, such as Idle No More nationally, was more reactive to growth and unorganized in message; similar longevity and sustained public interest was not achieved. All OCLP campaign participants and organizers I spoke to were confident of the campaigns long-term ability to thrive, despite the decision of the Chinese government to postpone making a decisive statement on electoral reform until summer 2015.

Le Devoir: “Diplomacy is opening to new actors”

Following the publication of our qualitative research report, Thibaut Temmerman of the CÉRIUM gave an interview (in French) to Jean-Frédéric Légaré-Tremblay in the Quebequois newspaper Le Devoir, onhow diplomacy is gradually opening itself to new actors.

Capture écran article Devoir Diplomatie directe

Direct Diplomacy releases ‘Citizen Campaigns: Impact and Longevity in the Digital Era’ – Full Report and Playbook

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(Read in French) The Direct Diplomacy team has released their first full length report and ‘campaign playbook’, titled Citizen Campaigns: Impact and Longevity in the Digital Era. The product of extensive primary research of global citizen campaigns, these documents provide recommendations for activists and organizers alike.

You can find the files in PDF format below.

Digital Diplomacy: Citizen Campaigns – Playbook

Direct Diplomacy: Citizen Campaigns – Final Report

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